WHAT DOES TRUMP ACTUALLY WANT?

By Dr. Georgy Muradov ,

Permanent Representative of the Republic of Crimea to the President of the Russian Federation.

Trump's real plan for restoring US world dominance has begun to emerge.

Here is how his main elements are viewed:

1. Acquiring full and overwhelming control over critical global resources, especially energy resources (Venezuela, Iran, Greenland), which are necessary to ensure an insurmountable lead over competitors in the creation of artificial intelligence, scientific-technical dominance, and subsequently military dominance in the opening new era of human development.

2. The main vector of US efforts is the destruction of the very possibility of forming independent centers of power of a new multipolar world (BRICS, SCO, etc.) capable of casting doubt on the overwhelming superiority of the US and the absolute authority of the dollar-based financial system on the planet. A demonstration of the helplessness of these structures of the "global majority" in the face of American determination, will, and power.

3. A withdrawal, at the current stage of approximate parity between American and Russian nuclear forces, from Washington's involvement in a direct confrontation and nuclear war with Russia, into which the aggressive policies of Brussels and Kyiv could drag them. In this regard, US obligations within NATO to protect allies aimed at military escalation with Russia become dangerous for the US (this is linked to the exclusion of Russia from the list of America's enemies in the new US foreign policy doctrine, as well as Washington's disregard for the fate of NATO).

4. Washington's acquisition of powerful geopolitical positions in the Arctic, with whose resources analysts link the future economic development of the world (hence the claims to undivided ownership and disposal of the wealth of Greenland and Canada).

5. Securing, through the aforementioned measures, a technological leap that guarantees a radical detachment from China as the main economic and technological competitor of the US.

At the same time, the critically important issue of the immediate period for the US is preventing consolidation on an anti-American platform between Russia and the PRC, and the unification of their military, technological, and human resources, by maintaining calm, non-confrontational relations with them.

If we accept these assessments as working hypotheses, it is not difficult to build a verified plan for our own actions regarding the Ukrainian crisis, for the decisive strengthening of our positions in the space of historical Russia (the near abroad), for careful, largely discrete*, consolidation work with China, and for the preservation of the shoots of a polycentric world.

At the same time, it must be taken into account that Trump's tough power-based work is capable of yielding results if he maintains high rates of implementation of his designs. A loss of momentum in this acute preemptive game is fatal for the side that shows sluggishness. Understanding this, Trump eliminates circumstances that slow down his activity, such as the principles of international law.

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