Russia and the USA: Lessons of the Past and Outlines of the Future 

Ya.I. Ivanchenko, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Black Sea Association for International Cooperation 

You know that in recent months, there has been heated debate in our country’s public opinion about the future of Russian-American relations under the new administration of Donald Trump. In academic and public circles, as well as in the media, sharply opposing views are often expressed. Some welcome the emerging positive shifts and look to the future development of these relations with cautious optimism. Others take a more reserved stance. Finally, there is a widespread opinion that Americans cannot be trusted. They have always been and will remain enemies of our state, and Trump’s initiatives should be seen as yet another trick. Admittedly, debates over the future of relations between our countries are even fiercer in American public opinion. 

Since I am a historian, and my academic interests focus on the history of Russian-American relations, I believe it is useful to briefly revisit the historical experience of our countries’ interactions to outline the contours of the future. The historical experience of Russian-American relations, particularly in the 18th and 19th centuries, shows that the most difficult and critical periods for both nations—such as the American War of Independence (1775–1783), the Anglo-American War (1812–1814), the Civil War (1861–1865), and Russia’s own crises, including the War of 1812 against Napoleon, the Crimean War (1853–1856), and the Eastern Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)—saw objectively favorable and even friendly positions between the two countries due to specific circumstances. This does not mean there were no disagreements, contradictions, or occasional conflicts. Nevertheless, our countries never officially waged war against each other, except for limited intervention as part of the expeditionary corps during the Russian Civil War. 

In both world wars, we were allies, and in 1945, the leaders of our countries sat in this hall as victors of World War II and signed documents on the future world order. Over two and a half centuries, the United States and Russia accumulated extensive experience in developing socio-political, trade, scientific, and cultural ties. Documents from the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the U.S. Department of State clearly indicate that political rapprochement between the two countries, which began during the American War of Independence, continued until the end of the 19th century. 

However, particular attention deserves the relations between our countries during the Crimean War. American mediation efforts were, in a sense, reciprocation for Russia’s mediation during the Anglo-American War of 1812–1814. Most researchers studying this issue note the exceptional support and sympathy shown by the U.S. government and people to Russia during the Crimean War, emphasizing that this pro-Russian stance was rooted in deep American hostility toward Britain. 

The creation of the Anglo-French political and military alliance on the eve of the Crimean War forced U.S. President Franklin Pierce in March 1854 to declare that if hostilities expanded and the U.S. were compelled to participate in the war, it could confidently be stated that America would not side with Russia’s enemies. 

In any case, the United States became the only country that openly supported Russia during the Crimean War, offering diplomatic and public support, assistance in delivering weapons, supplies, and medicines, and sending volunteer doctors. The events of the Crimean War demonstrated to the U.S. government that Russia was a natural ally for North America, as both nations shared a common rival in Britain. Therefore, relations between Russia and the U.S., despite certain contradictions, remained favorable and even friendly. 

The benefits of such relations were felt by the U.S. during its Civil War (1861–1865), when Russia’s stance became a key factor countering foreign intervention in the conflict between North and South. 

Relations continued to strengthen during the Eastern Crisis. Russian geopolitician and military historian General Rostislav Fadeev argued in his work *“Reflections on the Eastern Question”* that the U.S. was the only possible ally against the naval powers of Western Europe, aligning with Russia’s historical objectives. 

Allow me to quote one more statement. Alexander II said during the visit of the renowned American general William Sherman (famous during the Civil War): “Russia was and will remain the most faithful friend of the American people in Europe.” 

Washington highly valued Russia’s goals in the Russo-Turkish War. Today, the words of U.S. Secretary of the U.S. Mission in St. Petersburg, Atkinson, who reported to the U.S. government, sound particularly relevant. Please pay attention to this quote: “Russia’s goal in the war is the struggle for principles, not territories. Russia is entirely free of territorial ambitions, and my confidence in this will not weaken, even if the war’s outcomes seem to contradict this.” Although the U.S. officially declared neutrality at the time, Washington’s position was perceived positively within the St. Petersburg diplomatic corps. 

I will not elaborate further on the development of these relations. Suffice to say that by the late 1880s, U.S.-British relations began improving, thereby complicating relations with Russia. Thus, a century-long friendship between Russia and the United States began to wane, while rapprochement with Britain accelerated. 

In sum, the historical experience of relations between our countries demonstrates the possibility of fruitful cooperation when mutual interests are respected, offering hope for further collaboration in the modern era for the benefit of our peoples and humanity. 

Today, humanity faces escalating global problems that no single great power can solve alone. Russia, the U.S., and China, as modern-day empires, bear responsibility to the world and must engage in dialogue. Recent events show that our leaders recognize this responsibility. 

Reflecting on the contours of future Russian-American relations, I emphasize that they will depend not only on contacts between our president, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, and U.S. President Donald Trump. Leaders can only initiate normalization of relations, but their full development will depend on the public atmosphere surrounding this process, as well as the efforts of diplomats, politicians, scholars, cultural figures, political analysts, journalists—and all of us. Thank you.

This address was delivered at the International Congress On The 80th Anniversary Of The Yalta Conference “Challenges Of a Multipolar World Order” on March 28^th , 2025 

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