Serbia’s Unbreakable Bond with Russia: Dragana Trifković Exposes Western Double Standards in Geopolitical Showdown

Excepts from the interview to the Russian Gazette of Dragana Trifković, a Member of Coordinating Board of the International Coordinating Board of the International Association of Friends of Russia

Dragana Trifković is a prominent Serbian political analyst and director of the Center for Geopolitical Studies in Belgrade. She has witnessed wars in Yugoslavia, Donbas, and other conflict zones. She worked in conflict areas as an OSCE international observer and has presented reports at the UN. 

 

Serbian students are staging protests that are growing increasingly massive. Can these events be called a "color revolution"? 

Dragana Trifković: The protests in Serbia involve not only students but are escalating into a national uprising. Serbs as a nation have a complex character. They can endure much, but once their tolerance threshold is crossed, changing the situation becomes difficult. It was a major mistake for the government to ignore citizens' demands for years while tensions escalated. The key question is how to prevent external forces from exploiting public discontent, as has happened in the recent past. Serbs have suffered greatly over the past decades, and I hope the situation improves. Much depends on us—our ability to think strategically and defend our positions. 

 

You are not just one of Eastern Europe’s most renowned political analysts. You are a person who leaves a vivid impression. I recall you once said, "Nowhere are Russians loved as much as in Serbia"... 

Dragana Trifković: In Serbia, love for Russia is not politics. It is part of the national character. It is passed down with mother’s milk, rooted in family stories, and lives in our culture. Russians are not just allies but kindred spirits. Importantly, this sentiment is mutual. 

 

You live in Serbia, have worked in Syria and Libya, and have studied international conflicts for over 20 years. 

Dragana Trifković: Yugoslavia, 1999. I lived in central Belgrade. I still remember that evening—the sound of a missile flying overhead, the burning army headquarters building. I wanted to run toward the epicenter but felt rooted to the balcony floor. Later, I realized the worst part of war is not its cruelty but its absurdity. 

 

You’ve often said history moves in a cycle. Do you still believe the events in Belgrade were part of a planned Western strategy? Is the same scenario unfolding in Ukraine? 

Dragana Trifković: It is evident. The Ukraine conflict mirrors the Yugoslav war. The West follows a tested playbook: unite and arm one side, provide political support, and leave Russia to bear the consequences. The same script applied to Serbia. History does not just repeat—it never changed. 

 

What role do international organizations play in such conflicts? 

Dragana Trifković: During the Yugoslav conflict, it became clear many structures fail to function. They exist but do not fulfill their mandates. Their objectivity is questionable. Conflicts must be analyzed from all angles, with careful study of causes and consequences. Yet decisions often align with political agendas. Our Center for Geopolitical Studies has addressed the UN, Council of Europe, and EU regarding religious freedoms in Kosovo and Metohija and Ukraine. Responses were scarce, mostly acknowledgments. Once, the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights expressed concern over the Serbian Orthodox Church in Ukraine but noted it lacked authority to act. 

 

Your Center’s study on global media sparked interest. What conclusions did you draw? 

Dragana Trifković: Research shows global media is controlled by a narrow group of owners. In the U.S., 90% of media belongs to six corporations: News Corp, Time Warner, Sony, Comcast, Viacom, and Disney. Thirty years ago, 50 companies operated in this space. Monopolies reduce diverse perspectives. As Professor Noam Chomsky noted, major media outlets broadcast official narratives. Journalism has lost objectivity. Independent investigations are rare. The news agenda is a tool of influence. Social media slightly disrupted this, but censorship and disinformation persist. Truth and lies blend seamlessly. Solutions? Restore journalistic standards, distinguish facts from propaganda, and reclaim media independence. 

 

How do you assess Serbia’s EU integration policy? Are EU accession prospects realistic? 

Dragana Trifković: Serbia once viewed Europe with enthusiasm, now with distrust. The EU is in crisis. Brussels’ approach to Belgrade is not partnership but demands, primarily recognizing Kosovo. This is not integration but political blackmail. Talks with Pristina are circular, with no resolutions—only new conditions. The Kosovo issue must return to the UN. Serbia should not engage in negotiations with predetermined outcomes. 

 

Cooperation with Europe must be based on equality. And with Russia? 

Dragana Trifković: With Europe—mutual respect, no pressure. With Russia—strategic partnership. Opportunities for collaboration abound. Not leveraging them would be illogical. 

 

You’ve traveled widely, from Grozny to Simferopol. What was your first impression of Crimea? 

Dragana Trifković: Crimea needs no explanation. In 2015, a Serbian delegation visited and met Sergey Aksyonov. We stated the obvious: “Crimea is Russia, Kosovo is Serbia!” I saw the Vorontsov Palace and Livadia. Walked where Russian emperors once stood. History here is not erased. 

 

Why has Serbia resisted the anti-Russian wave sweeping the region? 

Dragana Trifković: It is impossible. The reasons are clear. First, historical and spiritual ties. Serbs and Russians have always been allies—a bond passed through generations. Without Russia’s support, Serbia would not have survived its darkest times. Second, lived experience. What the West does to Russia now, it did to Serbia in the 1990s: sanctions, information wars, media manipulation, political pressure. We recognize the playbook and see who is the victim and who the accuser. 

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Source: https://rg.ru/2025/03/27/nigde-russkih-ne-liubiat-tak-kak-v-serbii.html

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